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ARE YOU LOOKING FOR REAL HOPE AND CHANGE? "IF WE DON'T LEARN FROM HISTORY, WE'RE DOOMED TO REPEAT IT" GEO. WASH. We Shall Fight on the Beaches
June 4, 1940 Prime Minister Winston Churchill
The position of the B.E.F had now become critical As a result of a most skilfully conducted retreat and German errors, the bulk of the British Forces reached the Dunkirk bridgehead. The peril facing the British nation was now suddenly and universally perceived. On May 26, "Operation Dynamo "--the evacuation from Dunkirk began. The seas remained absolutely calm. The Royal Air Force--bitterly maligned at the time by the Army--fought vehemently to deny the enemy the total air supremacy which would have wrecked the operation. At the outset, it was hoped that 45,000 men might be evacuated; in the event, over 338,000 Allied troops reached England, including 26,000 French soldiers. On June 4, Churchill reported to the House of Commons, seeking to check the mood of national euphoria and relief at the unexpected deliverance, and to make a clear appeal to the United States. From the moment that the French defences at Sedan and on the Meuse were broken at the end of the second week of May, only a rapid retreat to Amiens and the south could have saved the British and French Armies who had entered Belgium at the appeal of the Belgian King; but this strategic fact was not immediately realised. The French High Command hoped they would be able to close the gap, and the Armies of the north were under their orders. Moreover, a retirement of this kind would have involved almost certainly the destruction of the fine Belgian Army of over 20 divisions and the abandonment of the whole of Belgium. Therefore, when the force and scope of the German penetration were realised and when a new French Generalissimo, General Weygand, assumed command in place of General Gamelin, an effort was made by the French and British Armies in Belgium to keep on holding the right hand of the Belgians and to give their own right hand to a newly created French Army which was to have advanced across the Somme in great strength to grasp it. However, the German eruption swept like a sharp scythe around the right and rear of the Armies of the north. Eight or nine armoured divisions, each of about four hundred armoured vehicles of different kinds, but carefully assorted to be complementary and divisible into small self-contained units, cut off all communications between us and the main French Armies. It severed our own communications for food and ammunition, which ran first to Amiens and afterwards through Abbeville, and it shore its way up the coast to Boulogne and Calais, and almost to Dunkirk. Behind this armoured and mechanised onslaught came a number of German divisions in lorries, and behind them again there plodded comparatively slowly the dull brute mass of the ordinary German Army and German people, always so ready to be led to the trampling down in other lands of liberties and comforts which they have never known in their own. I have said this armoured scythe-stroke almost reached Dunkirk-almost but not quite. Boulogne and Calais were the scenes of desperate fighting. The Guards defended Boulogne for a while and were then withdrawn by orders from this country. The Rifle Brigade, the 60th Rifles, and the Queen Victoria's Rifles, with a battalion of British tanks and 1,000 Frenchmen, in all about four thousand strong, defended Calais to the last. The British Brigadier was given an hour to surrender. He spurned the offer, and four days of intense street fighting passed before silence reigned over Calais, which marked the end of a memorable resistance. Only 30 unwounded survivors were brought off by the Navy, and we do not know the fate of their comrades. Their sacrifice, however, was not in vain. At least two armoured divisions, which otherwise would have been turned against the British Expeditionary Force, had to be sent to overcome them. They have added another page to the glories of the light divisions, and the time gained enabled the Graveline water lines to be flooded and to be held by the French troops. Thus it was that the port of Dunkirk was kept open. When it was found impossible for the Armies of the north to reopen their communications to Amiens with the main French Armies, only one choice remained. It seemed, indeed, forlorn. The Belgian, British and French Armies were almost surrounded. Their sole line of retreat was to a single port and to its neighbouring beaches. They were pressed on every side by heavy attacks and far outnumbered in the air. When, a week ago today, I asked the House to fix this afternoon as the occasion for a statement, I feared it would be my hard lot to announce the greatest military disaster in our long history. I thought-and some good judges agreed with me-that perhaps 20,000 or 30,000 men might be re-embarked. But it certainly seemed that the whole of the French First Army and the whole of the British Expeditionary Force north of the Amiens-Abbeville gap would be broken up in the open field or else would have to capitulate for lack of food and ammunition. These were the hard and heavy tidings for which I called upon the House and the nation to prepare themselves a week ago. The whole root and core and brain of the British Army,on which and around which we were to build, and are to build, the great British Armies in the later years of the war, seemed about to perish upon the field or to be led into an ignominious and starving capacity. That was the prospect a week ago. But another blow which might well have proved final was yet to fall upon us. The King of the Belgians had called upon us to come to his aid. Had not this Ruler and his Government severed themselves from the Allies, who rescued their country from extinction in the late war, and had they not sought refuge in what was proved to be a fatal neutrality, the French and British Armies might well at the outset have saved not only Belgium but perhaps even Poland. Yet at the last moment, when Belgium was already invaded, King Leopard called upon us to come to his aid, and even at the last moment we came. He and his brave, efficient Army, nearly half a million strong, guarded our left flank and thus kept open our only line of retreat to the sea. Suddenly, without prior consultation, with the least possible notice, without the advice of his Ministers and upon his own personal act, he sent a plenipotentiary to the German Command, surrendered his Army, and exposed our whole flank and means of retreat. I asked the House a week ago to suspend its judgment because the facts were not clear, but I do not feel that any reason now exists why we should not form our own opinions upon this pitiful episode. The surrender of the Belgian Army compelled the British at the shortest notice to cover a flank to the sea more than 30 miles in length. Otherwise all would have been cut off, and all would have shared the fate to which King Leopold had condemned the finest Army his country had ever formed. So in doing this and in exposing this flank, as anyone who followed the operations on the map will see, contact was lost between the British and two out of the three corps forming the First French Army, who were still farther from the coast than we were, and it seemed impossible that any large number of Allied troops could reach the coast. The enemy attacked on all sides with great strength and fierceness, and their main power, the power of their far more numerous Air Force, was thrown into the battle or else concentrated upon Dunkirk and the beaches. Pressing in upon the narrow exit, both from the east and from the west, the enemy began to fire with cannon upon the beaches by which alone the shipping could approach or depart. They sowed magnetic mines in the channels and seas; they sent repeated waves of hostile aircraft, sometimes more than a hundred strong in one formation, to cast their bombs upon the single pier that remained, and upon the sand dunes upon which the troops had their eyes for shelter. Their U-boats, one of which was sunk, and their motor launches took their toll of the vast traffic which now began. For four or five days an intense struggle reigned. All their armoured divisions-or what Was left of them-together with great masses of infantry and artillery, hurled themselves in vain upon the ever-narrowing, ever-contracting appendix within which the British and French Armies fought. Meanwhile, the Royal Navy, with the willing help of countless merchant seamen, strained every nerve to embark the British and Allied troops; 220 light warships and 650 other vessels were engaged. They had to operate upon the difficult coast, often in adverse weather, under an almost ceaseless hail of bombs and an increasing concentration of artillery fire. Nor were the seas, as I have said, themselves free from mines and torpedoes. It was in conditions such as these that our men carried on, with little or no rest, for days and nights on end, making trip after trip across the dangerous waters, bringing with them always men whom they had rescued. The numbers they have brought back are the measure of their devotion and their courage. The hospital ships, which brought off many thousands of British and French wounded, being so plainly marked were a special target for Nazi bombs; but the men and women on board them never faltered in their duty. Meanwhile, the Royal Air Force, which had already been intervening in the battle, so far as its range would allow, from home bases, now used part of its main metropolitan fighter strength, and struck at the German bombers and at the fighters which in large numbers protected them. This struggle was protracted and fierce. Suddenly the scene has cleared, the crash and thunder has for the moment-but only for the moment-died away. A miracle of deliverance, achieved by valour, by perseverance, by perfect discipline, by faultless service, by resource, by skill, by unconquerable fidelity, is manifest to us all. The enemy was hurled back by the retreating British and French troops. He was so roughly handled that he did not hurry their departure seriously. The Royal Air Force engaged the main strength of the German Air Force, and inflicted upon them losses of at least four to one; and the Navy, using nearly 1,000 ships of all kinds, carried over 335,000 men, French and British, out of the jaws of death and shame, to their native land and to the tasks which lie immediately ahead. We must be very careful not to assign to this deliverance the attributes of a victory. Wars are not won by evacuations. But there was a victory inside this deliverance, which should be noted. It was gained by the Air Force. Many of our soldiers coming back have not seen the Air Force at work; they saw only the bombers which escaped its protective attack. They underrate its achievements. I have heard much talk of this; that is why I go out of my way to say this. I will tell you about it. This was a great trial of strength between the British and German Air Forces. Can you conceive a greater objective for the Germans in the air than to make evacuation from these beaches impossible, and to sink all these ships which were displayed, almost to the extent of thousands? Could there have been an objective of greater military importance and significance for the whole purpose of the war than this? They tried hard, and they were beaten back; they were frustrated in their task. We got the Army away; and they have paid fourfold for any losses which they have inflicted. Very large formations of German aeroplanes-and we know that they are a very brave race-have turned on several occasions from the attack of one-quarter of their number of the Royal Air Force, and have dispersed in different directions. Twelve aeroplanes have been hunted by two. One aeroplane was driven into the water and cast away by the mere charge of a British aeroplane, which had no more ammunition. All of our types-the Hurricane, the Spitfire and the new Defiant-and all our pilots have been vindicated as superior to what they have at present to face. When we consider how much greater would be our advantage in defending the air above this Island against an overseas attack, I must say that I find in these facts a sure basis upon which practical and reassuring thoughts may rest. I will pay my tribute to these young airmen. The great French Army was very largely, for the time being, cast back and disturbed by the onrush of a few thousands of armoured vehicles. May it not also be that the cause of civilisation itself will be defended by the skill and devotion of a few thousand airmen? There never has been, I suppose, in all the world, in all the history of war, such an opportunity for youth. The Knights of the Round Table, the Crusaders, all fall back into the past-not only distant but prosaic; these young men, going forth every morn to guard their native land and all that we stand for, holding in their hands these instruments of colossal and shattering power, of whom it may be said that Every morn brought forth a noble chance And every chance brought forth a noble knight, deserve our gratitude, as do all the brave men who, in so many ways and on so many occasions, are ready, and continue ready to give life and all for their native land. I return to the Army. In the long series of very fierce battles, now on this front, now on that, fighting on three fronts at once, battles fought by two or three divisions against an equal or somewhat larger number of the enemy, and fought fiercely on some of the old grounds that so many of us knew so well-in these battles our losses in men have exceeded 30,000 killed, wounded and missing. I take occasion to express the sympathy of the House to all who have suffered bereavement or who are still anxious. The President of the Board of Trade [Sir Andrew Duncan] is not here today. His son has been killed, and many in the House have felt the pangs of affliction in the sharpest form. But I will say this about the missing: We have had a large number of wounded come home safely to this country, but I would say about the missing that there may be very many reported missing who will come back home, some day, in one way or another. In the confusion of this fight it is inevitable that many have been left in positions where honour required no further resistance from them. Against this loss of over 30,000 men, we can set a far heavier loss certainly inflicted upon the enemy. But our losses in material are enormous. We have perhaps lost one-third of the men we lost in the opening days of the battle of 21st March, 1918, but we have lost nearly as many guns -- nearly one thousand-and all our transport, all the armoured vehicles that were with the Army in the north. This loss will impose a further delay on the expansion of our military strength. That expansion had not been proceeding as far as we had hoped. The best of all we had to give had gone to the British Expeditionary Force, and although they had not the numbers of tanks and some articles of equipment which were desirable, they were a very well and finely equipped Army. They had the first-fruits of all that our industry had to give, and that is gone. And now here is this further delay. How long it will be, how long it will last, depends upon the exertions which we make in this Island. An effort the like of which has never been seen in our records is now being made. Work is proceeding everywhere, night and day, Sundays and week days. Capital and Labour have cast aside their interests, rights, and customs and put them into the common stock. Already the flow of munitions has leaped forward. There is no reason why we should not in a few months overtake the sudden and serious loss that has come upon us, without retarding the development of our general programme. Nevertheless, our thankfulness at the escape of our Army and so many men, whose loved ones have passed through an agonising week, must not blind us to the fact that what has happened in France and Belgium is a colossal military disaster. The French Army has been weakened, the Belgian Army has been lost, a large part of those fortified lines upon which so much faith had been reposed is gone, many valuable mining districts and factories have passed into the enemy's possession, the whole of the Channel ports are in his hands, with all the tragic consequences that follow from that, and we must expect another blow to be struck almost immediately at us or at France. We are told that Herr Hitler has a plan for invading the British Isles. This has often been thought of before. When Napoleon lay at Boulogne for a year with his flat-bottomed boats and his Grand Army, he was told by someone. "There are bitter weeds in England." There are certainly a great many more of them since the British Expeditionary Force returned. The whole question of home defence against invasion is, of course, powerfully affected by the fact that we have for the time being in this Island incomparably more powerful military forces than we have ever had at any moment in this war or the last. But this will not continue. We shall not be content with a defensive war. We have our duty to our Ally. We have to reconstitute and build up the British Expeditionary Force once again, under its gallant Commander-in-Chief, Lord Gort. All this is in train; but in the interval we must put our defences in this Island into such a high state of organisation that the fewest possible numbers will be required to give effective security and that the largest possible potential of offensive effort may be realised. On this we are now engaged. It will be very convenient, if it be the desire of the House, to enter upon this subject in a secret Session. Not that the government would necessarily be able to reveal in very great detail military secrets, but we like to have our discussions free, without the restraint imposed by the fact that they will be read the next day by the enemy; and the Government would benefit by views freely expressed in all parts of the House by Members with their knowledge of so many different parts of the country. I understand that some request is to be made upon this subject, which will be readily acceded to by His Majesty's Government. We have found it necessary to take measures of increasing stringency, not only against enemy aliens and suspicious characters of other nationalities, but also against British subjects who may become a danger or a nuisance should the war be transported to the United Kingdom. I know there are a great many people affected by the orders which we have made who are the passionate enemies of Nazi Germany. I am very sorry for them, but we cannot, at the present time and under the present stress, draw all the distinctions which we should like to do. If parachute landings were attempted and fierce fighting attendant upon them followed, these unfortunate people would be far better out of the way, for their own sakes as well as for ours. There is, however, another class, for which I feel not the slightest sympathy. Parliament has given us the powers to put down Fifth Column activities with a strong hand, and we shall use those powers subject to the supervision and correction of the House, without the slightest hesitation until we are satisfied, and more than satisfied, that this malignancy in our midst has been effectively stamped out. Turning once again, and this time more generally, to the question of invasion, I would observe that there has never been a period in all these long centuries of which we boast when an absolute guarantee against invasion, still less against serious raids, could have been given to our people. In the days of Napoleon the same wind which would have carried his transports across the Channel might have driven away the blockading fleet. There was always the chance, and it is that chance which has excited and befooled the imaginations of many Continental tyrants. Many are the tales that are told. We are assured that novel methods will be adopted, and when we see the originality of malice, the ingenuity of aggression, which our enemy displays, we may certainly prepare ourselves for every kind of novel stratagem and every kind of brutal and treacherous manoeuvre. I think that no idea is so outlandish that it should not be considered and viewed with a searching, but at the same time, I hope, with a steady eye. We must never forget the solid assurances of sea power and those which belong to air power if it can be locally exercised. I have, myself, full confidence that if all do their duty, if nothing is neglected, and if the best arrangements are made, as they are being made, we shall prove ourselves once again able to defend our Island home, to ride out the storm of war, and to outlive the menace of tyranny, if necessary for years, if necessary alone. At any rate, that is what we are going to try to do. That is the resolve of His Majesty's Government-every man of them. That is the will of Parliament and the nation. The British Empire and the French Republic, linked together in their cause and in their need, will defend to the death their native soil, aiding each other like good comrades to the utmost of their strength. Even though large tracts of Europe and many old and famous States have fallen or may fall into the grip of the Gestapo and all the odious apparatus of Nazi rule, we shall not flag or fail. We shall go on to the end, we shall fight in France, we shall fight on the seas and oceans, we shall fight with growing confidence and growing strength in the air, we shall defend our Island, whatever the cost may be, we shall fight on the beaches, we shall fight on the landing grounds, we shall fight in the fields and in the streets, we shall fight in the hills; we shall never surrender, and even if, which I do not for a moment believe, this Island or a large part of it were subjugated and starving, then our Empire beyond the seas, armed and guarded by the British Fleet, would carry on the struggle, until, in God's good time, the New World, with all its power and might, steps forth to the rescue and the liberation of the old.
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- CICERO (106-43 B.C.) studied law in Rome, and philosophy in Athens. He became the leading lawyer of his time and rose to the highest office of state [Roman Consul]. After studying all forms of political systems, he wrote his landmark books on the Republic and The Laws. In these writings Cicero projected the grandeur and promise of some future society based on natural law. The American Founding Fathers saw in Cicero's writings the necessary ingredients for their model society and government. The Law of Nature or Nature's God is eternal in its basic goodness; it is universal in its application. It is a code of "right reason" from the Creator himself. It cannot be altered. It cannot be repealed. It cannot be abandoned by legislators or the people themselves, even though they may pretend to do so.. In Natural Law we are dealing with factors of absolute reality. It is basic principles are comprehensible to the human mind, and totally correct and morally right in its general operation. Cicero emphasized that the essence of an evil law cannot be mended through ratification by the legislature or by popular acclaim. Justice can never be expected from laws arbitrarily passed in violation of standards set up under the laws of Nature or the laws of the Creator. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- "PROVIDENCE has given to our people the choice of their rulers, and it is the duty, as well as the privilege and interest of our Christian nation to select and prefer Christians for their rulers". John Jay, First Chief Justice of the U.S. Supreme Court ________________________________________________________________________________________________- More and Less are two four (4) letter words.
We need to re-learn the true meaning We are at the crossroads. Our survival as
a nation and a state cries out for an honest, Where do we begin to discuss more and/or less? You name it.
Every example you Shall we start with term limits for officers? I propose eight
(8) years in office, Now you name other concerns and begin the dialog and debate on more
and less. RONALD REAGAN. U.S.A. Pres. 1980 -1988 "IF WE EVER FORGET THAT WE"RE ONE NATION UNDER GOD, THEN WE WILL BE A NATION GONE UNDER." "You can be a majority, in which case you're going to have arguments inside the room, or you can stay a minority, But what you can't do is have a majority that's only people you understand and agree with." "I have wondered at times what THE TEN COMMANDMENTS would have looked like if MOSES had run them through THE U.S. CONGRESS." 'The nearest thing to ETERNAL LIFE we will ever see on this earth is a government program." "The government's view of the ECONOMY could be summed up in a few short phrases. "If it moves, TAX IT. If it keeps moving, REGULATE IT. If it stops moving, SUBSIDIZE IT." "THE MOST TERRIFYING WORDS in the English language are: "I'm from the government and I'm here to help" "No arsenal or no weapon in the arsenals of the world, is as formidable as the will and moral courage of free men and women." THOMAS JEFFERSON U.S.A. Pres. said this in 1802: (editorial note: "We need to revoke 1913 legislation!!!") "Banking institutions are more dangerous to our liberties than standing armies. If the American people ever allow private banks to control the issue of their currency, first by inflation, then by deflation, the banks and the corporations that will grow up around the banks will deprive the people of all property until their children wake-up homeless on the continent the their fathers conquered. " (editorial note: "The Federal Reserve and the IRS must both be terminated and replaced by 2013, which would be 100 years from the 1913 legislation and a double jubilee. We need to elect new candidates who have the historical knowledge and backbone to stand up against lobbyists and the international banking industry, which used to be controlled by the Rothschilds, the Bilderbergers, and the Rockefellers, e.g.") (Chair, THH) Check out www.larouchepac.com on how to fix this problem Now!
Jefferson is best known for drafting these words in the Declaration Of Independence: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." "THE TREE OF LIBERTY MUST BE REFRESHED FROM TIME TO TIME WITH THE BLOOD OF PATRIOTS AND TYRANTS" " I predict future happiness for Americans if they can prevent the government from wasting the labors of the people under the pretense of taking care of them." "My reading of history convinces me that most bad government results from too much govt."
Comments by Chair, Tom Hoversten, B.A.- History, 1956 "The government is not the generator nor the continuous provider of LIFE, LIBERTY, LAW, FOOD, JOB. The word "happiness", in this present age, has descended into a secular hedonist (twisted pleasure) life-style meaning far different from what Jefferson and the founding fathers understood very clearly. The original meaning was 'blessedness" or "blessed" as used by Jesus in the Sermon on the Mount. Beware of revisionists who come as wolves in sheep's clothing promising the "new" or the "change" to words, events, or ideas. Too often smooth operatives twist and spin the message to deceive, distort, and distract . The followers smoothly slide down slippery slopes with ease into a changed culture which loses the values, meaning, arts, beauty, ethics, and productivity of the original. How shall we escape decadence without everlastingly re-learning and remembering our heritage?" "THIS IS A MOST CRITICAL TIME FOR OUR U.S.A.. YOUR PRAYERS & IDEAS ARE NEEDED!! LET US BEGIN BY SEEING OURSELVES AS ELEPHANTS CHARGING FORWARD EMPOWERED WITH RENEWED SPIRIT RE-BUILT ON BASIC IDEAS THAT HAVE WORKED IN AGES PAST. As taken from the poem about the nine blind men from Hindustan who each tried to describe the elephant from his point of view. One man said an elephant is like a rope because he was touching the tail. Another man said the elephant was like a wall because he touched the elephant's side, etc.
IF AND WHEN YOUR EYES AND EARS ARE OPENED THROUGH SEARCHING THEN YOU WILL FIND POWER IN YOUR VOICE AND ENJOY JOINING THIS HERD OF REAL ELEPHANTS IN OUR NEXT HUDDLE!!! " "OUR MISSION IS TO PROMOTE MATURE POLITICAL CANDIDATES WHO HAVE LEARNED TO ADVOCATE THE GOOD, THE TRUE, THE BEAUTIFUL, THE MORAL, THE ETHICAL, AND JUSTICE WITH ROCK SOLID IDEAS. "WE ARE TO PROVIDE OPPORTUNITIES IN HOMES, CHURCHES, SCHOOLS, T OWN HALLS, SUPPER CLUBS, TO ENGAGE IN THOROUGH AND RIGOROUS DISCUSSIONS, DEBATES, PANELS, AND FORUMS THE ISSUES WITH RESPECT, AND WITHOUT FEAR OR FAVOR. WE MUST COME OUT OF OUR CLOSETS!!! " WE MUST BEGIN THIS TASK IMMEDIATELY WITH VIGOR SO THAT TOGETHER WITH MORE AND MORE CITIZENS WE RE-LEARN AND SUPPORT THE GREAT LEGACY WHICH WE HAVE INHERITED." MICHAEL ZAK, A NATIVE OF CHICAGO AND RESIDENT OF WASHINGTON DC, IS A POPULAR SPEAKER TO REPUBLICAN ORGANIZATIONS AROUND THE COUNTRY. HE SPOKE AT LINCOLN DAY DINNERS IN JANESVILLE, MADISON, AND LODI, WI DURING FEB. 2009 AND WAS GUEST IN CHAIR ,TOM HOVERSTEN'S LAKE WIS HOME. A HANDBOOK: BACK TO BASICS FOR THE REPUBLICAN PARTY, BY MICHAEL ZAK THIS IS A HANDBOOK FOR REPUBLICANS WHO KNOW WHAT THEY FEEL IN THEIR HEART TO BE MISSING FROM THE PARTY TODAY. ANYONE ASPIRING TO BE A LEADER NEEDS TO READ THIS HANDBOOK TO RETURN TO OUR ROOTS. MICHAEL ZAK WILL SHOW US THE WAY WITH A KWIK TRIP BACK AND FORWARD TO THE BASICS FROM ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S AGE UP THROUGH THE RONALD REAGAN ERA. (1848 THRU 1988). www.republicanbasics.com grand_old_partisan@hotmail.com MARK R. LEVIN is one of America's preeminent conservative commentators and constitutional lawyers.
THE TITLE OF LEVIN'S BOOK IS THE SAME AS THE LAST THREE WORDS OF THE FOLLOWING QUOTE FROM ABRAHAM LINCOLN, 1864: "WE ALL DECLARE FOR LIBERTY, BUT IN USING THE SAME WORD WE DO NOT ALL MEAN THE SAME THING. WITH SOME THE WORD LIBERTY MAY MEAN FOR EACH MAN TO DO AS HE PLEASES WITH HIMSELF, AND THE PRODUCT OF HIS LABOR; WHILE WITH OTHERS, THE SAME WORD MAY MEAN FOR SOME MEN TO DO AS THEY PLEASE WITH OTHER MEN, AND THE PRODUCT OF OTHER MEN'S LABOR. HERE ARE TWO, NOT ONLY DIFFERENT, BUT INCOMPATIBLE THINGS, CALLED BY THE SAME NAME------ LIBERTY. AND IT FOLLOWS THAT EACH OF THE THINGS IS, BY THE RESPECTIVE PARTIES, CALLED BY TWO DIFFERENT AND INCOMPATIBLE NAMES------LIBERTY AND TYRANNY" AT THE CONCLUSION , MARK LEVIN PROPOSES A TEN POINT CONSERVATIVE MANIFESTO. also by Levin: Men In
Black (How The Supreme Court Is
Destroying America) Sarah Palin, GOING ROGUE (AN AMERICAN LIFE) Matthew Continetti, THE PERSECUTION
OF SARAH PALIN MICHAEL STEELE, RIGHT NOW (CHAIRMAN OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY DESCRIBES How We Must Admit our Mistakes and return to our First Principles with Rigorous 12 Steps!!) ___________________________________________________________________________________ Michael HUCKABEE, DO THE RIGHT THING NOW CHRISTIAN CONSERVATIVE PASTOR R. Emmett Tyrrell, Jr.
AFTER THE HANGOVER -----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
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Amber Hahn, Treas. P.O. Box 882 Portage, WIS 53901